How Sundanese packages meaning
Sundanese grammar at a glance
At a glance
| Information type | Plain question | How Sundanese encodes it |
|---|---|---|
| Actor | Who does the action? | SEPARATE WORDCONTEXT |
| Recipient | Who or what receives the action? | WORD ORDERSUFFIX |
| Time | When does the action happen? | CONTEXTSEPARATE WORD |
| Aspect | Finished or still happening? | SEPARATE WORD |
| Certainty / mood | Real fact, or desired / possible / hypothetical? | SEPARATE WORD |
| Negation | Did it not happen? | SEPARATE WORD |
| Voice | Is the subject doing, being done to, or causing? | PREFIXSUFFIX |
| Evidentiality | How does the speaker know this? | CONTEXT |
| Specificity | This particular one, or any one? | SUFFIXSEPARATE WORDCONTEXT |
| Quantity | How many? | CONTEXTINFIXSEPARATE WORD |
| Possession | Whose is it? | WORD ORDERSUFFIX |
| Location / Space | Where? In which direction? | SEPARATE WORD |
| Information structure | What is this sentence about? What is new? | WORD ORDERPREFIXSEPARATE WORD |
| Register | What social relationship does the speaker encode? | SEPARATE WORD |
In detail
Actor in Sundanese — Who does the action?
A separate pronoun identifies who acts — the verb never changes for person or number. But pronoun choice is deeply tied to speech register: kuring (loma) vs. abdi (lemes) both mean "I."
The verb "maca" (active form of baca) is identical across all persons and numbers. The pronoun alone identifies who acts.
Pronoun choice changes across speech registers. First person: kuring (loma, informal) vs. abdi (lemes, humble about self). Second person: manéh (loma) vs. anjeun (lemes). Third person: manéhna (loma) vs. anjeunna (lemes).
Sundanese has an inclusive/exclusive "we" distinction: urang (inclusive, you and I together) vs. kami (exclusive, we but not you). Both have lemes equivalents.
Pronouns are frequently dropped when clear from context: "Rék ka mana?" (Going where?) is a complete question.
Compare: Spanish packs the actor into the verb ending — "hablo" (I speak), "hablas" (you speak). Sundanese verbs never change for person; the pronoun alone does the work, and which pronoun you choose signals the social register.
Recipient in Sundanese — Who or what receives the action?
Word order (SVO) identifies the object. The applicative suffix -keun on the verb promotes a beneficiary or goal to object position.
Sundanese has no case markers on nouns — position alone determines the grammatical role. The object follows the verb in active voice.
The suffix -keun promotes a beneficiary, theme, goal, or result to direct object position. It also creates causatives: "diageungkeun" (to enlarge / make big) from "gedé" (big).
The circumfix pang-...-keun creates an explicitly benefactive construction: "pangmeulikeun" (buy for someone). This emphasizes that the action is done on behalf of another person.
Sundanese has no indirect object construction like English "give someone something." Applicative morphology rearranges which argument is the direct object.
Compare: Indonesian uses -kan (benefactive) and -i (locative) as two distinct applicatives. Sundanese merges most applicative functions into the single suffix -keun, and adds the pang-...-keun circumfix for explicit benefactives.
Time in Sundanese — When does the action happen?
The verb has no tense at all — it never changes for past, present, or future. Preverbal particles (rék / bade "future," kamari "yesterday") or context carry temporal meaning.
The verb "dahar" (eat, loma) / "tuang" (eat, lemes) is identical whether the action is past, present, or future. Nothing on the verb signals time.
Common time words: kamari (yesterday), ayeuna (now), isukan (tomorrow), tadi (earlier today), engké (later), baréto (long ago). Each has loma and lemes variants.
The future marker has register variants: rék (loma, informal) vs. badé (lemes, polite). Both appear before the verb.
Context alone is often sufficient — "Kuring dahar" can mean "I eat," "I ate," or "I am eating" depending on the conversation.
Compare: Spanish has distinct verb endings for past (hablé), present (hablo), and future (hablaré). Sundanese verbs are timeless; time words or conversational context supply the "when."
Aspect in Sundanese — Finished or still happening?
Pre-verbal particles mark aspect: geus/tos (completed), keur/nuju (in progress), can/acan (not yet), kénéh (still). Each has loma and lemes register variants.
Aspect markers are placed directly before the verb as separate words. They never fuse with the verb — always cleanly separable.
Register variants of aspect particles: geus → tos/parantos (completed), keur → nuju (progressive), can → acan/teu acan (not yet), kénéh → kénéh (still — unchanged across registers).
"Geus" (already) is the opposite of "can" (not yet): "Geus dahar?" (Already eaten?) → "Can" (Not yet). This is an extremely common conversational exchange.
Markers can combine: "can kénéh" (still not yet), "geus keur" (was already in the process of).
Compare: Spanish uses two different past-tense suffix sets — preterite "-é" (completed) vs. imperfect "-aba" (ongoing). Sundanese uses separate, stackable particles before an unchanging verb, and each particle has a polite-register equivalent.
Certainty / mood in Sundanese — Real fact, or desired / possible / hypothetical?
Modal verbs express ability, obligation, and desire. Imperatives drop the N- prefix. The optative particle "sing" expresses wishes, and "ulah" marks prohibition. There is no subjunctive mood.
Sundanese has no subjunctive mood — there is no verb-form change for desire, doubt, or hypotheticals.
Key modal verbs: bisa (can — ability), kudu (must — obligation), meunang (may — permission), hayang (want to — desire).
The imperative is formed by dropping the N- nasal prefix: "maca" (to read) → "Baca!" (Read!). This parallels the Indonesian imperative pattern exactly.
The optative particle "sing" expresses wishes: "Sing salamet!" (May you be safe!). The prohibitive "ulah" forbids: "Ulah indit!" (Don't go!).
Conditional constructions use "lamun" (if): "Lamun hujan, kuring moal indit" (If it rains, I won't go). The irrealis marker "moal" signals non-realization.
Compare: Spanish has an entire parallel verb paradigm (subjunctive) with different endings for desire and doubt. Sundanese has no subjunctive; modal verbs, the optative "sing," and conditional "lamun" handle hypotheticals.
Negation in Sundanese — Did it not happen?
Multiple negation words, each for a different context: teu/henteu (verbs/adjectives), lain/sanés (nouns/identity), can/acan (not yet), ulah (prohibition). Register changes them entirely.
Sundanese has a four-way negation split: "teu/henteu" for verbs and adjectives, "lain/sanés" for nouns and identity, "can/acan" for "not yet" (implying future completion), and "ulah" for prohibitive commands.
Speech levels change the negation words: teu → henteu (lemes), lain → sanés (lemes). "Ulah" stays the same across registers.
"Can" is the negative counterpart of "geus" (already): "Geus dahar?" (Already eaten?) → "Can" (Not yet). This parallels Javanese durung/wis and Indonesian belum/sudah.
The irrealis negator "moal" means "won't / will not": "Moal datang" (Won't come). This specifically negates future or potential actions, unlike "teu" which negates present/general.
Compare: Indonesian has the same four-way split (tidak/bukan/belum/jangan). Sundanese adds register layering — every negator has a polite equivalent — plus the irrealis negator "moal" which Indonesian lacks.
Voice in Sundanese — Is the subject doing, being done to, or causing?
Voice is the core of Sundanese verb morphology: the N- nasal prefix marks active voice, di- marks passive, -keun creates applicatives and causatives, ti- marks accidental or involuntary events, and ka- marks resultative states.
The active voice N- prefix undergoes nasal assimilation depending on the root's first consonant. Voiceless stops are replaced by their homorganic nasal: N- + baca → maca (b→m), N- + tulis → nulis (t→n), N- + kirim → ngirim (k→ng), N- + surat → nyurat (s→ny). This nasal substitution is the most distinctive phonological process in Sundanese.
The di- passive is used when the agent is 3rd person or a full noun phrase. The agent is demoted with "ku" (by): "Buku dibaca ku guru" (The book was read by the teacher).
The ti- prefix signals involuntary or accidental action — something happened without the subject's control: "tigebrus" (fell accidentally), "tibuka" (got opened by accident). This parallels Indonesian "ter-."
The ka- prefix creates resultative states, often appearing in the ka-...-an circumfix: "kaédanan" (drenched/soaked, resulting state) from "édaan" (rain). It can also signal ability: "kabaca" (readable).
In colloquial speech, the N- prefix is frequently dropped: "Kuring baca buku" instead of "Kuring maca buku." This makes active and imperative forms identical in casual register.
Compare: Indonesian has a similar system (meN-/di-/ter-) but without person-indexed passives. Javanese adds person-indexed passive prefixes (dak-/kok-/di-). Sundanese is intermediate — it uses di- for all passive persons like Indonesian, but adds the ti- (accidental) and ka- (resultative) voices as distinct categories.
Evidentiality in Sundanese — How does the speaker know this?
Not grammatically encoded — optional words like "cenah" (they say) or "sigana" (it seems) can signal hearsay or inference, but nothing is obligatory.
Sundanese has no grammatical evidentiality system — speakers are never required to mark how they know something.
Optional expressions for source of information: cenah (they say / reportedly — literally "said"), sigana (it seems / probably), kawasna (it appears), sugan (perhaps / maybe).
The particle "kitu" can function as a tag seeking confirmation: "Gering kitu?" (Sick, isn't it?). This is loosely related to evidentiality but is not grammaticalized.
Compare: Turkish grammatically requires one of two past-tense suffixes — "-di" for events the speaker directly witnessed vs. "-miş" for events the speaker inferred or heard secondhand. Sundanese, like Indonesian and Javanese, treats this information as optional.
Specificity in Sundanese — This particular one, or any one?
No articles — bare nouns are ambiguous between "a book" and "the book." The suffix -na marks 3rd-person possession and quasi-definiteness. Demonstratives ieu (this) and éta (that) provide specificity when needed.
Sundanese has no definite or indefinite articles. The bare noun "buku" can mean a book, the book, or books depending on context.
The suffix -na serves double duty: 3rd-person possessive ("bukuna" = his/her/their book) and quasi-definite marker ("bukuna" = the book). Context disambiguates.
Two degrees of demonstrative distance: ieu (this — near speaker) and éta (that — far from speaker). These follow the noun: "buku ieu" (this book), "buku éta" (that book).
Indefinite reference can be explicitly marked with "hiji" (one/a): "hiji buku" (a book, a certain book).
The relativizer "nu/anu" introduces relative clauses and can function as a topic marker: "Nu maca buku éta kuring" (The one who read that book is me).
Compare: Spanish has a full article system — "el libro" (the book), "un libro" (a book) — with gender and number agreement. Sundanese has none of this; the bare noun stands alone, and "-na" optionally marks known referents.
Quantity in Sundanese — How many?
No obligatory plural marker — number is inferred from context. The infix -ar- marks plurality on verbs and adjectives. Numeral classifiers (sa- + classifier for "one") are used for counting.
The plural infix -ar- (or -al- through dissimilation when the root already contains r) can appear on verbs and adjectives to indicate a plural subject: "barudak" (children, from budak "child"), "baralik" (they return, from balik "return"). This infix is optional — it provides information about plurality but is not required.
Numeral classifiers are used with the prefix sa- (one): "saurang" (one person), "sahiji" (one thing), "saleunjeur" (one bamboo stalk). Classifiers are less systematic than in Mandarin or Japanese, but common ones exist: urang (people), siki (small objects), leunjeur (long thin things).
Reduplication can express plurality or variety for nouns: "buku-buku" (books, various books). When a numeral is present, reduplication is not used.
Numerals 1–10: hiji, dua, tilu, opat, lima, genep, tujuh, dalapan, salapan, sapuluh.
Compare: Spanish marks plural on every word in the noun phrase — "los tres libros rojos." Javanese has the same -ar- plural infix (from their shared Austronesian heritage). Indonesian uses reduplication (buku-buku) but has no plural infix.
Possession in Sundanese — Whose is it?
Possessor follows the noun by simple juxtaposition: "imah kuring" (house I = my house). The enclitic -na attaches for 3rd-person possession. No possessive affixes for 1st or 2nd person.
Possession by juxtaposition — the possessor follows the noun with no linking word: "imah kuring" (my house), "imah Pa Guru" (the teacher's house). No genitive marker is needed.
The enclitic -na is the only possessive suffix, used for 3rd person: "bukuna" (his/her/their book). First and second person use full pronouns after the noun.
The suffix -na is multifunctional: possessive (bukuna = his/her/their book), definite marker (bukuna = the book), and nominalizer. Its meaning depends on context — this parallels Indonesian -nya and Javanese -(n)é exactly.
In lemes register, the possessive pronoun changes but the structure stays the same: "imah abdi" (my house, polite) vs. "imah kuring" (my house, informal).
Compare: Javanese has two possessive linkers, -(n)é and -(n)ing. Indonesian uses simple juxtaposition plus -ku/-mu/-nya enclitics. Sundanese is closer to Indonesian — juxtaposition with only -na as an enclitic — making it the simplest possession system of the three.
Location / Space in Sundanese — Where? In which direction?
Three core prepositions encode location: di (static, at/in), ka (motion toward), ti (origin, from). Compound spatial expressions combine a preposition with a relational noun.
The three-way di/ka/ti system is clean and symmetrical: di = where something IS, ka = where something is GOING, ti = where something CAME FROM. Note: Sundanese uses "ka" (not Indonesian "ke") and "ti" (not Indonesian "dari").
Compound spatial expressions use preposition + relational noun: di luhur (on top of), di handap (under), di hareupeun (in front of), di tukangeun (behind), di jeroeun (inside), di luareun (outside).
Where-questions split the same way: di mana (where is it?), ka mana (where to?), ti mana (where from?). "Ka mana?" (Where are you going?) is a common casual greeting.
Sundanese has no copula for locative sentences: "Buku éta di méja" (The book is on the table) — no equivalent of "is."
Compare: Indonesian uses di/ke/dari — Sundanese uses di/ka/ti. The logic is identical but the directional and ablative prepositions differ. Javanese uses nang(ing)/menyang/saka. All three Austronesian languages maintain the same elegant three-way spatial system.
Information structure in Sundanese — What is this sentence about? What is new?
Sundanese is topic-prominent — topic elements are fronted, often via voice alternation. The passive di- construction topicalizes the patient. The discourse particles "téh" and "mah" explicitly mark topic and contrast.
Sundanese has explicit discourse particles that other Austronesian languages lack. "Téh" marks a known/established topic: "Buku éta téh alus" (That book [topic] is good). "Mah" marks contrastive topic: "Kuring mah teu daék" (As for ME, I don't want to — implying others do).
Voice alternation is the other primary tool: switching from active "Kuring maca buku éta" (I read that book) to passive "Buku éta dibaca ku kuring" (That book was read by me) topicalizes the book.
The relativizer "nu/anu" introduces focused elements: "Nu maca buku éta téh kuring" (The one who read that book is me) — a cleft construction that focuses the agent.
The "téh" and "mah" particles are unique to Sundanese among major Indonesian-area languages. They fill a role similar to Japanese は (wa) for topic and も (mo) for contrast, but with different distribution.
Compare: Japanese uses dedicated topic particle は (wa). Indonesian uses voice alternation alone — no topic particles. Sundanese is remarkable among Austronesian languages for having BOTH voice alternation AND explicit topic/contrast particles (téh/mah), giving speakers two independent tools for managing information flow.
Register in Sundanese — What social relationship does the speaker encode?
Sundanese has a two-tier speech register system: basa loma (informal) and basa lemes (polite). The polite level further splits into "lemes ka sorangan" (humble, about self) and "lemes ka batur" (respectful, about others). Hundreds of everyday words change between registers.
The register system replaces hundreds of common words. It is NOT just different pronouns — verbs, nouns, adjectives, prepositions, and even time words change: dahar→neda→tuang (eat: loma → humble → respectful), imah→rorompok→bumi (house: loma → humble → respectful), indit→mios→angkat (go: loma → humble → respectful).
The three-way split within lemes is crucial: "neda" (I eat, humble about myself) vs. "tuang" (you/he/she eats, respectful about others). Using "tuang" about yourself would be arrogant; using "neda" about an elder would be disrespectful.
Historically, Sundanese had 6 speech levels (undak usuk basa). Since 1988, these have been standardized to 2 main levels (loma and lemes) for simplicity, though the humble/respectful split within lemes preserves a three-way functional distinction.
The choice of register depends on: age (speak lemes to elders), social status, familiarity (loma among close friends and peers), and context (lemes in formal situations). Getting this wrong is a significant social error.
Many younger Sundanese speakers are more comfortable in loma and use a simplified lemes. Full mastery of the humble/respectful distinction is declining, similar to the attrition of Javanese krama inggil.
Compare: Javanese has three levels (ngoko/madya/krama) with ~900 replacement words — the most elaborate system of any major world language. Sundanese has fewer levels (2 vs. 3) but the same fundamental mechanism: entire words swap out based on social relationship. Indonesian has only pronoun-level register (saya/aku/gue).
Common questions about Sundanese
How does Sundanese politeness work?
What are Sundanese voice prefixes?
Is Sundanese related to Javanese?
Does Sundanese have grammatical gender?
Why does Sundanese have separate vocabulary for talking about yourself vs. others?
Sources for Sundanese
The grammatical descriptions on this page are informed by the following published reference and descriptive grammars. Grammatical facts themselves are not subject to copyright; the scholars who documented them deserve attribution.
- Robins, R. H. (1959). "Nominal and Verbal Derivation in Sundanese." Lingua, 8, 337-369.
- Muller-Gotama, Franz (2001). "Sundanese." Languages of the World/Materials 369. Lincom Europa.
- Hardjadibrata, R. R. (1985). "Sundanese: A Syntactical Analysis." Pacific Linguistics, Series D-65. Australian National University.
- Kats, J. & Soeriadiradja, M. (1982). "Tata Bahasa dan Ungkapan Bahasa Sunda." Djambatan, Jakarta.