Sindhi grammar, step by step
A guided tour through Sindhi grammar with glossed examples that show how each piece of a sentence fits together.
Grammar Walkthrough
Discover how the language works through examples
Sindhi grammar places the verb at the end, tracks gender through every layer of the sentence, and uses postpositions and an oblique case to mark relationships between nouns — with a distinctive four-way copula system and implosive consonants that set it apart from its Indo-Aryan neighbors.
The verb waits at the end
SOV word orderWhere does the action word appear in each sentence? What sits between the subject and the verb?
Sindhi is a Subject-Object-Verb language. The verb always comes at the end of the sentence. The subject opens, the object sits in the middle, and the action word closes everything.
Two genders shape everything
two genders| Gender | Typical ending | Example |
|---|---|---|
| Masculine | -o | chhokro (boy) |
| Masculine | (consonant) | ghar (house) |
| Feminine | -a / -ī | chhokrī (girl) |
| Feminine | -e | gālhe (story) |
Compare the endings of the nouns. What pattern separates them into two groups?
Every noun is either masculine or feminine. Masculine nouns often end in -o and feminine nouns in -a or -ī, though some must simply be memorized.
Relationship words come after
postpositionsWhere does the relationship word sit relative to the noun — before it or after it?
Function words that show location, direction, and relationships come after the noun, not before it. These are called postpositions — the mirror image of English prepositions.
Nouns change before postpositions
oblique case| Form | Masculine (-o) | Feminine (-ī) |
|---|---|---|
| Nominative | chhokro (boy) | chhokrī (girl) |
| Oblique | chhokre (boy.OBL) | chhokrīa (girl.OBL) |
Compare "chhokro" standing alone with "chhokre" before a postposition. What happened to the ending?
When a noun is followed by a postposition, its ending changes to the oblique form. Masculine -o endings shift to -e. Feminine -ī endings add -a, though the change is subtler than the masculine shift.
Verbs agree with the speaker
verb agreement| Person | Masc. Aux | Fem. Aux |
|---|---|---|
| 1SG | tho | thī |
| 2SG | tho | thī |
| 3SG | tho | thī |
| 1PL | thā | thīū̃ |
| 3PL | thā | thīū̃ |
The auxiliary word changes across these examples. What is it tracking — the subject, the object, or both?
The verb agrees with the subject in person, gender, and number. Both the main verb form and the auxiliary change to match — even the speaker's gender affects the auxiliary.
Habitual and ongoing actions
imperfectiveThese sentences describe things that happen regularly. What combination of verb form and auxiliary creates this habitual meaning?
The imperfective describes habitual actions or actions in progress. It combines the imperfective verb form with a present-tense auxiliary (tho/thī). This is the default way to describe what someone does regularly.
Completed actions look different
perfectiveThese sentences describe things that already happened. The auxiliary has disappeared and the verb ending changed — what does the new ending agree with?
The perfective marks a completed action. In intransitive sentences the verb agrees with the subject's gender. In transitive sentences the verb agrees with the object's gender — and the subject takes the oblique case (a split-ergative pattern shared with Hindi/Urdu/Punjabi). No auxiliary is needed for the simple past.
Four ways to say "is"
copula| Copula | Meaning | Usage |
|---|---|---|
| āhe | is | present facts and states |
| ho | was | past facts and states |
| hundo | would be / probably is | presumption or possibility |
| huje | may be / if were | wishes and subjunctive |
Each sentence uses a different word for "is" or "to be." What distinguishes when each one is used?
Sindhi has four copulas ("to be"): "āhe" for present facts, "ho" for past, "hundo" for presumption or possibility, and "huje" for wishes or subjunctive contexts.
Saying no in Sindhi
negationWhere does the negative word sit relative to the verb? What happens when "na" comes before the copula?
Sindhi has one basic negative particle: "na". It precedes the verb. With auxiliaries it commonly fuses to the auxiliary (na + tho → natho "doesn't"). Before the present copula āhē it stays separate as "na āhe" (often pronounced as a single fused "nāhē" in everyday speech).
Asking questions
questions| Question word | Meaning |
|---|---|
| chā | what |
| kēru | who |
| kahā̃ | where |
| kaḍhā̃ | when |
| kī̃ | why |
| kiā̃ | how |
Some questions use special question words; one uses only intonation. Where do the question words sit in the sentence?
Information questions use question words like "chā" (what), "kēru" (who), "kahā̃" (where), and "kaḍhā̃" (when). Yes/no questions use rising intonation without rearranging the sentence.
Making nouns plural
plural| Gender | Singular | Plural | Change |
|---|---|---|---|
| Masculine | chhokro | chhokrā | -o → -ā |
| Feminine | chhokrī | chhokrīū̃ | + -ū̃ |
| Feminine | gālhe | gālheū̃ | + -ū̃ |
Compare the singular and plural forms. How do masculine and feminine nouns form their plurals differently?
Masculine nouns change their final vowel to form the plural (often -o becomes -ā). Feminine nouns typically add -ū̃ to the singular form.
Pronouns and formality
pronouns| Person | Pronoun | Oblique |
|---|---|---|
| 1SG | mā̃ | mū̃khe |
| 2SG (informal) | tū̃ | tokhe |
| 2PL / formal | tavhī̃ | tavhā̃khe |
| 3SG | hū | huna |
| 1PL | asī̃ | asā̃khe |
| 3PL | hū / hī | hunā̃khe |
Notice that the third-person pronoun is the same regardless of gender. And the second-person has two levels. What governs the choice?
The base third-person form "hū" can refer to any gender, but specific forms exist: "hīo" for he/she/they (proximate) and "hūa" for she (remote). The formal second person "tavhī̃" is used for respect, like addressing elders.
Actions happening right now
continuous aspectA new auxiliary appears alongside the main verb. What does the perfective participle of "rahanu" (to remain) add that the simple imperfective does not?
The continuous aspect ("Actual" tense) uses the verb stem + conjunctive participle suffix -ī, followed by the perfective participle of "rahanu" (to stay/remain) which agrees in gender and number with the subject (rahyo M.SG / rahī F.SG / rahyā M.PL / rahyū̃ F.PL), then the copula. It expresses an action actively in progress at a specific moment, not a general habit.
Showing who owns what
possessive| Possessed gender | Particle | Example |
|---|---|---|
| Masculine SG | jo | chhokre jo ghar (the boy's house) |
| Feminine SG | jī | chhokre jī gālhe (the boy's story) |
| Masculine PL | jā | chhokre jā ghar (the boy's houses) |
| Feminine PL | jū̃ | chhokre jū̃ gālheū̃ (the boy's stories) |
The possessive particle changes form across these examples — jo, jī, jā. What is it agreeing with?
Possession uses the particle "jo" (which agrees in gender and number with the possessed noun as jo/jī/jā/jū̃). The possessor goes in the oblique case, followed by "jo" and then the possessed noun.
Light verbs carry the grammar
compound verbsEach example pairs a noun or adjective with a "light verb." Which part carries the meaning, and which carries the grammar?
Many actions are expressed as a noun or adjective plus a "light verb" like "karanu" (to do), "thīanu" (to become), or "ḍianu" (to give). The light verb carries the grammatical endings while the noun (often a Persian/Arabic loan) carries the meaning.
The full picture
synthesisHow many grammar patterns from earlier steps can you identify in these sentences? Try naming each one.
Sindhi grammar is SOV word order, gender agreement threading through nouns, verbs, and possessives, postpositions reshaping nouns into oblique forms, and a four-way copula system — all working together as a unified system.